Politics

Donald Trump Has Big Problems With Young Voters

By Cagle Cartoons · February 26, 2026

Column by Elwood Watson, Cagle Cartoons

Donald Trump’s approval ratings are at a historic low.

Polling aggregators have his ratings in the low 40s, with 34 percent satisfaction over the economy and 30 percent over affordability. In independent polls, his approval plunges into the mid-30s. The last time his numbers were this poor was directly following the seditionist attack on the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021.

The decline is distinctly dramatic among younger voters. While the majority of 18–29-year-olds voted for Kamala Harris, a notable percentage of Gen Z voters (born from 1997 to 2012) voted for Trump. Political data from the March 2025 Cook Political Report indicated Trump’s net approval rating with voters of this age demographic was at negative 7. A Harvard Youth Poll showed Trump had a notably low 29 percent approval rating among Gen Z voters, in contrast to the national average that currently hovers around 43 percent. The same poll indicated Democrats in Congress had a barely higher approval rating over their Republican cohorts among voters under 30–27 percent to 26 percent — and a significant advantage when it came to which party young people preferred to control Congress: 46 percent to 29 percent.

A Yale Youth Poll, conducted by surveying outfit Verasight, found Trump had a 34 percent approval rating among voters 22 and younger, and a 32 percent approval among those aged 23 to 29. Voters between the ages of 18 and 34 also preferred the Democratic candidate over the Republican on a generic congressional ballot by between 15 points and 20 points, compared to a 2-point edge among surveyed voters of all ages. Almost one year later, in February 2026, such disapproval has risen to an alarming negative 31.8. Such data indicate young people are rejecting Trump faster than any other voting group.

The reasons for such a decline are complex. He has certainly forfeited ground on issues spanning the economy, immigration, international affairs, and health care. Nonetheless, such a reality could indicate bad news for the Republican Party in the midterm elections in November, shattering the myth a massive cultural shift had occurred in 2024. The decline in young men’s approval is particularly notable because Trump was victorious in winning this gender demographic in 2024 when his campaign made valiant efforts to recruit what was seen as a disengaged and marginalized voting bloc. The president himself made appearances on Joe Rogan, Theo Von, and other podcasts popular with male voters.

Not surprisingly, Republican operatives are sounding the alarm. Republican strategist Ron Bonjean argues such statistics “should be very concerning to Republicans,” though he countered they’re not entirely surprising for the president’s party in a midterm year. Adam Pennings, executive director of Run Gen Z, a group that Trump appointee Joe Mitchell founded and that supports young Republicans running for office, voiced similar sentiments: “It’s really the curse of the majority, right? That it’s ‘the curse of being in charge.’” He further suggested younger Republicans could be put off with the president for abandoning his 2024 campaign promises.

These were the young people receptive to Trump’s message about lowering prices and subduing inflation, fixing America’s broken health-care system, providing affordable housing, and abolishing numerous economic dilemmas virtually strangling young voters entering the job market.

There is no doubt crushing student loan debt, out-of-reach housing, and AI’s potential disruption of the job market could easily render many jobs tenuous. Young voters are facing a colossal state of uncertainty on numerous fronts There is ample reason why this generation is highly distrustful of both major political parties.

That fact aside, the million-dollar question is this: can the Democratic Party rise to the occasion, shatter current myths, and successfully address Gen Z’s real concerns? Time will tell.

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Elwood Watson is a professor of history, Black studies, and gender and sexuality studies at East Tennessee State University. He is also an author and public speaker.